28 PERSPECTIVES ON BUSINESS AND ECONOMICS | VOL 44 | 2026 access, but widespread access alone does not tell the full story (Croatian Bureau of Statistics, 2023). Television consumption Access to quality content depends on owning a television as well as where one lives, which services one can afford, and how digital policies are implemented. Lower-income and rural households who cannot afford more advanced services tend to rely mainly on free-to-air terrestrial broadcast TV, which requires no subscription. Free terrestrial broadcasting makes media available to 98% of the population, giving broadcast television extensive reach regardless of geographic location or socioeconomic status (European Broadcasting Union, 2011). Even in the face of digital advances, traditional broadcast television remains the primary media access point for the most economically vulnerable. Media generational divide Geography and income are not the sole factors shaping television consumption. Generational trends are also transforming the television landscape. Young Croatians are less likely to engage with traditional television, instead getting their news and entertainment from platforms like YouTube, Instagram, and Facebook. Surveys show that 95% of Croatians ages 19–24 use social media at least once a week, with 52% using it to keep up with news and global trends (Mikrut Nađsombat & Tomičić, 2023). Instagram is used regularly by 92.9% of respondents ages 18–24 versus only 45.5% of those 55 and older (Blaži, 2025). Croatia’s aging population, one of the largest in Europe, further compounds this generational divide, with more than 22.6% over 65, a share expected to increase as birth rates fall and life expectancy rises (Eurostat, 2026). Older Croatians are significantly more likely to rely on television as their primary source of news, exposing this demographic to a small number of dominant broadcasters (Eurobarometer: Croatians Trust…, 2023). As a result, the effects of the television ownership are felt disproportionately among a demographic that plays an essential role in democratic participation. Research shows that younger Croatians are more likely to abstain from voting compared to older segments (Dika et al., 2025). Older citizens vote at higher rates; hence, their exposure to concentrated media has particularly significant consequences for electoral outcomes. Although social media is rising in popularity among the young, it is widely considered the least reliable source of information in Croatia because of disinformation, inconsistent regulation, and echo chambers (Šterle, 2024). Yet, 19% of those polled in Croatia trust information on social networks, compared to the EU average of 14% (Eurobarometer: Croatians Trust…, 2023). This difference in trust, although relatively small, signals Croatia’s higher level of confidence in online platforms despite the reliability problems. Rather than strengthening the broader media environment, this dynamic contributes to its fragmentation. Younger audiences rely on decentralized but less reliable sources, while those who are older depend on highly concentrated broadcast television. As one of the most politically active segments of the population remains exposed to a narrow range of broadcasters, consolidated control becomes increasingly consequential. Simultaneously, younger audiences’ overreliance on social media, given its unreliability, poses another, separate challenge for democratic health. Historical distrust of traditional media also may be a factor in this paradox. Members of the public still associate state control with traditional media from the post-Yugoslav era (Grbeša & Volarević, 2021). In turn, this makes social media more attractive, perceived as decentralized and offering the illusion of freedom. Nevertheless, television broadcast remains the predominant source, with greater than 63% of Croatians relying on it solely for news, above social media (Reuters Institute…, 2025). Television broadcasting landscape Croatia’s television landscape is defined by a stark divide between publicly owned and foreign-controlled commercial broadcasters. Understanding the origins helps contextualize their roles. The socialist Television Zagreb (Televizija Zagreb) started broadcasting in 1956 and was the primary source of information for decades. In 1990, the Croatian Parliament renamed it Hrvatska Radiotelevizija (HRT [Croatian Radiotelevision]), beginning the transformation of the former state broadcaster into a public service intended to operate on behalf of the Croatian people. This transition reflected Croatia’s shift in national identity and emerging democratic ideals (Galetić & Dabić, 2020). Funded by a combination of state support and viewer license fees, HRT operates multiple television and radio channels and is legally mandated to deliver content that serves the public interest, including educational programs, cultural productions, and shows in minority languages. The foreign-controlled commercial broadcasters Nova TV and Radio Television Luxembourg (RTL) are the media giants of commercial television in Cro-
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