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Empowering Domestic Workers in the Gulf States: First Steps Toward Organizing 23 23 therefore largely unregulated by labor inspections or other state oversight (Hobden, 1). Additionally, legal barriers in many Gulf States prevent formal unionization of domestic workers, particularly migrants. The most significant barrier is the kafala system, which ties a migrant worker’s legal status to an individual sponsor. This means that domestic workers cannot enter or leave the country, quit the job, or change employers without their employers’ permission. Because individual employers are responsible for the domestic workers and do not want to lose out on their “investment” (as the process of getting another domestic worker is lengthy and expensive), they often go to extreme measures like taking away workers’ passports and essential documents and isolating and abusing them inside the home (Kagan, 5–6). These physical barriers are frequently facilitated by social barriers, as even in cases where restricting a domestic worker’s movement is illegal, employers often do so anyway, perceiving the violation as culturally acceptable (Kagan, 6). This issue is particularly relevant for migrant domestic workers, whom many employers see as “property” for which they have paid in the form of travel, recruitment fees, and housing (Duong). Many domestic workers stay silent about theirharshconditions, asmost of theGulf States’ immigration laws treat domestic worker victims of abuse as lawbreakers (Zimmerman). Migrant domestic workers also face social challenges to organizing, as they can be unfamiliar with language, customs, and rights; many have their passports confiscated by employers or fear deportation if they lose their jobs (Tayah, 96). Policy Options Due to these significant barriers, organizing and empower- ing domestic workers in the Gulf States remain elusive goals, requiring multiple solutions that address the physical, legal, and social barriers. Technology can address some physical barriers to organizing. Mobile phones can provide workers the means to overcome their physical isolation and connect them to an online community of support. Workers with ac- cess to cell phones were able to connect to other migrant workers via apps such as WhatsApp and Facebook (Almen- dral). These connections can help educate domestic workers on their rights, reduce isolation, report abuse, and lay the groundwork for more formal organizing. This access benefits both the workers and employers. Less experienced workers can use their phone to learn from other workers by asking questions to expand their skill sets. Unfortunately, many em- ployers refuse to allow their workers to have phones, citing privacy or productivity concerns, and recruitment agencies also confiscate phones from workers in training centers. As a former forced domestic worker reported, “They wouldn’t let you buy your own phone, even if you could afford it. You wouldn’t be able to get one on your own because their pres- ence would be required” (Interview). In an attempt to pre- vent worker isolation, governments and NGOs have pres- sured Gulf States to allow domestic workers a right to their mobile phone with some success. For example, India requires employers in the Gulf to provide workers from that nation with a phone and a SIM card. Additionally, an NGO named Migrants Rights is working to ensure that domestic workers have access to mobile phones for communication (Migrant Rights). We recommend that this practice be made standard for all domestic workers. Informal organizing made possible by social media has al- ready led to nascent grassroot organization in the Gulf re- gion. In 2018, Filipino workers in Kuwait formed the region’s first local affiliate to be recognized by the IDWF, the Sandigan Kuwait Domestic Workers Association. They currently boast 400 dues-paying members and use Facebook and YouTube to recruit new members and educate domestic workers about new laws, human rights, and the customs and norms of the region (IDWF). The connections and support that informal organizations provide via social media platforms can foster an emerging labor movement in the Gulf States. Technology can also be an important tool for facilitating di- alogue between workers and employers, an important stride towards preventing workers from entering situations of forced labor. Communication apps have been proven to help reduce forced domestic labor in countries across the globe as they provide for interaction between employer and employee before the start of employment. An app namedHelperChoice, developed inHong Kong, provides a platform for employers to connect with domestic workers and discuss contracts before the start of employment (HelperChoice). This and similar apps are starting to replace traditional recruitment, provid- ing employers a wider pool of employees without exorbitant recruiting fees, while limiting employees’ vulnerability to abuse and trafficking that occurs in recruitment. Grievance airing mechanisms are also important tools for empowering domestic workers. While several governments