64 Argentina holds a 27.5% share of the company, and the remaining shares are held privately. Under Videla, the remaining private shares were held by an Argentine businessman and banker named David Graiver, who was accused of having ties to a Peronist guerilla group that did not support the dictatorship. By way of punishment, Videla and the military then coerced Graiver into selling his shares to the aforementioned news outlets, all of which then received access to subsidized newsprint at a rate 50% to 60% cheaper than it was offered to other competitors (Romig, 2010). By controlling and suppressing Argentine media outlets, Videla sought to manipulate the global perception of Argentina and to foster nationalism within the country during a time when the World Cup could steal the headlines. If Argentina were to win the global competition, the media would extensively cover the celebrations and happiness of the country’s citizens, and the international community might be a little less outspoken about the human rights violations occurring under their noses. Citizens of Argentina, Videla postulated, would welcome the celebrations as an excuse to ignore the disappearances of their fellow countrymen and women. So, he made sure Argentina—contrary to reports around the world—welcomed their World Cup guests with much fanfare to “ensure that tourists, (international) journalists and players would see with their own eyes what a peaceful, friendly and modern country Argentina was” (Rein, 2014, p. 240). Thus, many visitors were oblivious to the kidnapping, torture, and murder happening around them. Videla and his military junta were very politically savvy. They understood that neither FIFA nor Coca-Cola, the tournament’s sponsor, would take a political or ethical stance on the events unfolding in Argentina. FIFA’s primary method of evaluating the country’s readiness to host the tournament revolved around assessments of the Ente Autártico del Mundial, the national committee that oversaw stadium building and maintenance, airport expansions, and a restructuring of television and communication sectors (Archetti, 2006, p. 136). As a result, Videla invested heavily in the public works and stadiums necessary to host 20 world-class teams and millions of fans, even though Argentina was not in a stable economic condition to do so. Ironically, some of these stadiums were within walking distance of prison facilities where some of The Disappeared were held and tortured. ESMA, a Navy technical school and the largest torture center of Videla’s dictatorship, was only 1000 meters from River Plate Stadium—the stadium where Argentina played its first round and final games of the tournament. It was reported that the inmates within ESMA could hear both the euphoric cheers from River Plate as well as the anguished screams of those being tortured in the prison facility (Archetti, 2006, p. 134). Nevertheless, the tournament continued as planned, and Argentina found itself named world champion of football following a 3-1 victory over the Netherlands in the final. Celebrations erupted across the country, and Videla’s hunch was proved correct. In an editorial published by Clarín the next day, the newspaper wrote that the World Cup triumph “covers all moments of darkness…Argentine football will always be remembered for this triumph” (Archetti, 2006, p. 140). Football made the headlines, while the human rights violations were swept under the rug. The Growth of Clarín As Videla’s reign of terror came to an end, both major political parties in Argentina requested the dictatorship call for democratic elections. Raúl Alfonsín subsequently was elected as President of Argentina, a position he held for six years. Alfonsín was tasked with repairing a country that, regardless of any World Cup titles, was still grieving from the loss of more than 30,000 citizens and also was in great economic debt. Human rights issues were at the forefront of Alfonsín’s campaign, and, thus, the president did not focus much on reviving the press and media outlets that had been regularly censored and, in some cases, completely destroyed under Videla. Still, Clarín pushed for Alfonsín to allow newspaper companies to obtain radio or television licenses. When its lobbying failed, Clarín consequently attacked Alfonsín’s failed economic policies in its papers. Carlos Menem was elected to office after
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