8 PERSPECTIVES ON BUSINESS AND ECONOMICS | VOL 42 | 2024 gendarmerie under the supervision of the Moroccan military, all serve the ultimate goal of a vote on independence certified by neutral observers from international and African civil society organizations. Those eligible for voting would be Sahrawis registered on tribal rolls and Moroccans who have lived at permanent residences in the territory of Western Sahara for a predetermined amount of time. This would give Moroccans the opportunity to retain Western Sahara through a democratic process, while the possibility of independence remains ever-present should the Sahrawis gain enough support. The main concern with such solutions is whether an autonomous region that is established and operates on democratic ideals would survive in a nondemocratic state like Morocco. Because the levers of government do not operate independently of the king, the Moroccans cannot guarantee that an autonomous Western Sahara or its government would not be dissolved. This lack of institutional independence, especially a nonindependent judiciary, is the major roadblock to finding a resolution to the Western Sahara question. The establishment of an African coalition through the AU must be designed to at least observe the development of local government, if not form it, and the interaction between the Moroccan state and the autonomous Western Saharan government. Considering Moroccan reliance on the financial benefits involved in keeping Moroccans in places of high administration in Western Sahara, new government formation is unlikely without major Moroccan government reform; thus, the Western Sahara question necessarily threatens the existence of the Moroccan monarchy (Khakee, 2011). Conclusion Despite the dismal outlook, even minimal Moroccan collaboration with the Sahrawis and the Algerians would help defrost the relations between all parties. The benefits of better Morocco–Algeria relations become immediately obvious both for security and economics. Engagement on security and bilateral reforms of customs administrations would reduce illegal immigration, drug smuggling, and corruption. Reopening the Morocco–Algeria border would also decrease security expenditures for both nations, freeing up funds to revive depressed border towns and create job opportunities for the broader Moroccan population. There are options available to resolving the two major issues facing Morocco today, but the government must be willing to give a little to benefit from and promote trade, security, and the rise of the Global South in Northern Africa. References African Union. (2024). Goals & priority areas of agenda 2063. Amnesty International. (2021, July 19). Targeted crackdown of Sahrawi activists. Arab Maghreb Union. (2024, February 18). [The Arab Maghreb Union participates in the activities of the 44th session of the Executive Council of the African Union] (Original work in Arabic). https://maghrebarabe.org/4299/ Bidwell, R. (1998). Dictionary of modern Arab history. Routledge. Boukhars, A. (2012, March 12). Simmering discontent in the Western Sahara. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1–19. Boukhars, A. (2019, March 19). Barriers versus smugglers: Algeria and Morocco’s battle for border security. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Chikhi, S. (2017, August). Non-violence or violent extremism: Young refugees’ propensities pending the resolution of the conflict in Western Sahara. Journal of Peacebuilding & Development, 12:51–65. doi:10.1080/1542316 6.2017.1338156 Central Intelligence Agency. (2020). The world factbook: Western Sahara. Congressional Research Service. (2021, September 30). Morocco: Background and U.S. relations (CRS report R45387, version 10, updated). de Larramendi, M. H. (2008). Intra-Maghrebi relations: Unitary myth and national interests. In Y. H. Zoubir & H. Amirah-Fernandez (Eds.), North Africa (pp. 179–201). Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780203715598 Dursun, H. R. (2021). Understanding the failure of the Arab Maghreb Union: A critical constructivist account. Journal of History Culture and Art Research, 10, 26–38. doi:10.7596/taksad.v10i2.3024 Dworkin, A. (2022, April 8). North African standoff: How the Western Sahara conflict is fueling new tensions between Morocco and Algeria. European Council on Foreign Relations. Elkins, C. (2020). Algeria-Morocco business dialogue: The agricultural and food manufacturing sector. EastWest Institute. Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, E. (2011, May). Protracted Sahrawi displacement: Challenges and opportunities beyond encampment (Forced Migration Policy Briefing 7). Refugee Studies Centre, University of Oxford. Global Organized Crime Index. (2023a). Algeria. Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime. Global Organized Crime Index. (2023b). Morocco. Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime. Goodman, J. D., & Mekhennet, S. (2011, January 5). Morocco says it foiled terror cell in Sahara. The New York Times. Heggoy, A. A., & Zingg, P. J. (1976, October). French education in revolutionary North Africa. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 7, 571–578.
RkJQdWJsaXNoZXIy MTA0OTQ5OA==