THE GAY AND DOUGLAS LANE JOURNAL OF THE LEHIGH UNIVERSITY MARTINDALE CENTER STUDENT ASSOCIATES Volume 42 2024 Perspectives on Business and Economics EMERGENT MOROCCO INTRODUCTION Oumaima Mhijir THE MOROCCO ALGERIA DISPUTE AND WESTERN SAHARA Samuel R. Ginn AGTECH: THE FUTURE OF MOROCCAN AGRICULTURE Emily Michnowski OVERCOMING THE OBSTACLES OF MOROCCO’S COLLECTIVE LAND SYSTEM Christopher J. Marina IMPLEMENTING UNIVERSAL HEALTH COVERAGE IN MOROCCO Kate Brown CHILD MARRIAGE IN MOROCCO Lauryn C. Holgado RESOLVING WATER SCARCITY IN MOROCCO Kyra R. Boston FINANCIAL INCLUSION IN MOROCCO Ben Murphy-Schmehl OVERHARVESTING MEDICINAL AND AROMATIC PLANTS IN RURAL MOROCCAN COMMUNITIES Tessa Dougan GENDER BASED VIOLENCE IN MOROCCO Sarah A. Mixsell PRESERVING INDIGENOUS CULTURE IN MOROCCO Layan Suleiman MOROCCO’S ROAD TO CLEAN POWER William Yaeger UNLOCKING MOROCCO’S REAL ESTATE POTENTIAL THROUGH COLLECTIVE INVESTMENT VEHICLES Alexander S. Damle
Volume 42 2024 EMERGENT MOROCCO Perspectives on Business and Economics THE GAY AND DOUGLAS LANE JOURNAL OF THE LEHIGH UNIVERSITY MARTINDALE CENTER STUDENT ASSOCIATES Perspectives on Business and Economics is published by the Martindale Center for the Study of Private Enterprise Rauch Business Center, 621 Taylor St., Lehigh University, Bethlehem, PA 18015 DOI: 10.18275/pbe-v042 Stephen Cutcliffe, Ph.D. Editor Editorial Board Alberto J. Lamadrid L., Ph.D. Todd A. Watkins, Ph.D. Catherine M. Ridings, Ph.D. Richard N. Weisman, Ph.D. Andrew Ward, Ph.D. George P. White, Ph.D.
MARTINDALE CENTER FOR THE STUDY OF PRIVATE ENTERPRISE Center Staff Todd A. Watkins, Ph.D. Executive Director Andrew Ward, Ph.D. Associate Director Trisha S. Alexy Program Manager Melissa M. Gallagher Administrative Coordinator J. Richard Aronson, Ph.D. (1937–2023) Founding Director Founded in 1980 thanks to a generous endowment from Elizabeth Fairchild Martindale and Harry Turner Martindale '27, the Martindale Center for the Study of Private Enterprise is an interdisciplinary resource in the Lehigh University College of Business. The Center engages students, faculty, and the business and policy communities in active inquiry, tackling questions central to understanding and fostering sustainable private enterprises and inclusive economic systems throughout the world. Martindale Center Publications Periodicals • Perspectives on Business and Economics • Martindale Center Policy Briefs • Martindale Retrospectives • Martindale Discussion Paper Series ii Books • I.W. Lieberman, P. DiLeo, T.A. Watkins, and A. Kanze, eds., The Future of Microfinance (Brookings, 2020) • T.A. Watkins, Introduction to Microfinance (World Scientific, 2018) • J.R. Aronson, H.L. Parmet, and R.J. Thornton, eds., Variations in Economic Analysis (Springer, 2010) • T.A. Watkins and K. Hicks, eds., Moving Beyond Storytelling: Emerging Research in Microfinance (Emerald, 2009) • I.W. Lieberman and D.J. Kopf, eds., Privatization in Transition Economies: The Ongoing Story (Elsevier, 2008) • K. Fabian, ed., Globalization: Perspectives from Central and Eastern Europe (Elsevier, 2007) • J. Laible and H.J. Barkey, eds., European Responses to Globalization: Resistance, Adaptation and Alternatives (Elsevier, 2006) • V. Munley, R. Thornton, and J.R. Aronson, eds., The Irish Economy in Transition (Elsevier, 2002) • F. Gunter and C. Callahan, eds., Colombia: An Opening Economy (JAI, 1999) • D. Greenaway and J. Whalley, eds., “Symposium on Liberalisation and Adjustment in Latin America and Eastern Europe,” in The World Economy (Blackwell Publishers, 1994) • A . King, T. Hyclak, R. Thornton, and S. McMahon, eds., North American Health Policy in the 1990s (John Wiley & Sons, 1993) • A . O’Brien and R. Thornton, eds., The Economic Consequences of American Education (JAI, 1993) • A. Cohen and F. Gunter, eds., The Colombian Economy: Issues of Trade and Development (Westview Press, 1992) • D. Greenaway, R. Hine, A. O’Brien, and R. Thornton, eds., Global Protectionism (Macmillan, 1991) • E. Schwartz and G. Vasconcellos, eds., Restructuring the Thrift Industry: What Can We Learn from the British and Canadian Models? (1989) • D. Greenaway, T. Hyclak, and R. Thornton, eds., Economic Aspects of Regional Trading Arrangements (Wheatsheaf Press, 1989) • R. Thornton, T. Hyclak, and J. Aronson, eds., Canada at the Crossroads: Essays on Canadian Political Economy (JAI, 1988) • R. Thornton and J. Aronson, eds., Forging New Relationships among Business, Labor, and Government (JAI, 1986) • R. Thornton, ed., Schumpeter, Keynes, and Marx: A Centennial Celebration (1984) • R. Thornton, A. Ott, and J.R. Aronson, eds., Reindustrialization: Implications for U.S. Industrial Policy (JAI, 1984) For information on Martindale Center publications and past issues of Perspectives, visit business.lehigh.edu/centers/martindale-center/publications. DOI: 10.18275/pbe
iii Perspectives Perspectives on Business and Economics is the journal of the Martindale Student Associates Honors Program founded and run by the Martindale Center for the Study of Private Enterprise at Lehigh University. Each year, a faculty panel selects 12 of Lehigh’s finest undergraduate students to become Martindale Student Associates. Each student researches an aspect of the economy and business environment of a foreign nation or state and prepares articles for publication. The country or state of focus changes each year. Morocco, a country rich in history and culture, is an emerging player on the world stage. With influences from Europe and Africa, Morocco has an abundance of economic and social policies to explore. The students and faculty learned as much as possible by visiting Tangier, Fes, Rabat, and Casablanca across 12 days. Thanks to the government, business, and nonprofit agencies we visited. The trip started with a briefing by Dar America/US Consulate General Casablanca. The group proceeded to Tangier via Africa’s first high-speed train. In Tangier, we met with the Chamber of Commerce, Industry and Services of Tangier-Tetouan-Al Hoceima; Regional Investment Center of Tangier-Tetouan-Al Hoceima; Conseil Régional du Tourisme; Tangier American Legation Institute for Moroccan Studies; Technopark Tangier; Tangier Med Port Authority; Lear Corporation in the Tangier Free Zone; and Press House. Onward to Chefchaouen, the blue city, for a meeting with the vice president of the Municipality of Chefchaouen to discuss issues of rural Morocco. In Fes, we explored the handicraft industry of the Old Medina. In Rabat, we met with Ahmed Touizi, parliament president, and Mohamed Mehdi Bensaid of the Ministry of Youth, Culture and Communication. We met executives at the Policy Center for the New South at Mohamed VI Polytechnic University; MDC Ingénierie; and Masen, the firm that manages the nation’s renewable energy. Sessions with happy smala on inclusive finance and Global Shapers Community on entrepreneurship rounded out our Rabat visit. In Casablanca, we explored education at two Second Chance schools: L’Heure Joyeuse and TIBU Maroc. We visited Deloitte Morocco and Groupe ISCAE-Casablanca business school for issues affecting the economy and ended with a review of public health at the Association de Lutte Contre le Sida, a nonprofit health provider. In New York City, the cohort visited the Permanent Mission of Morocco to the UN and met award-winning producer and filmmaker Soukaina Alaoui El Hassani regarding women’s issues in the country. In Washington, D.C., the group visited the Peterson Institute for International Economics to discuss energy transition and the Arab Center Washington DC to discuss Morocco's domestic and foreign policies. Special thanks The Martindale Center acknowledges the critical role played by alumni, parents, friends, and many experts in Morocco who shared their time and expertise as advisors and speakers to help make the 2023–2024 program and volume 42 a success. Thanks go to Oumaima Mhijir, executive director of the Jadara Foundation (former director general of L’Heure Joyeuse) for writing the journal's forward and a tour of a Second Chance school in country. Developing the itinerary starts with in-depth conversations about culture, current topics, and site visits. We thank M. Virginia McSwain, associate professor of physics, Lehigh University; Omar Lazrak, Global Village, Lehigh University; and Dan Rudiak '23 for sharing their experiences in Morocco with the group. The following individuals spoke with the group and assisted with Moroccan connections: Ghizlane Akourim and Hajar Habat, Global Village, Lehigh University; Salaheddine Bakor, president of Global Shapers Community; Soufiane Dari, Ministry of Digital Technology; Faith Glazier '87 (Canada), principal, Deloitte Consulting; Zakaria Hsain '17 (Peru); and Martin Pimentel, US Institute of Peace. We also appreciate the assistance of Aziz Agbalu, Chamber of Commerce, Industry and Services of Tangier-Tetouan-Al Hoceima, for making connections in government and industry. We especially appreciate the Arbain family. Thanks to Lina Arbain Oumera '21 (Argentina) who connected us to Sami Arbain (her cousin in Morocco). Sami linked us to a tour guide, Youssef Abou Hilal, owner of Treasures Travel Company. Sami and his father, Jamal Arbain, were instrumental in securing our visits in the Tangier area. Thanks so much to both of them. Also, a huge thank you to Fatima and Abderrahman Arbain (grandparents of Lina and Sami) for hosting a Moroccan opening dinner for the group of 27 in their home! We also appreciate Jenny Lin '21 and Noah Jalango '21, members of the Argentina cohort, who missed the opportunity for international field immersion due to the pandemic, for joining the trip.
iv The Martindale Student Associates thank Trisha S. Alexy for organizing the curriculum, itinerary, and topic speakers; faculty mentors Professors Lamadrid, Ridings, Ward, Watkins, Weisman, and White for guidance on research and writing; and Professor Emeritus Stephen Cutcliffe and Nancy Watkins for their editorial rigor and patience. The students also thank the faculty spouses for support and friendship throughout. On behalf of the Martindale community of students, alumni, faculty, staff, and friends, we express immense appreciation to Douglas Lane '67 and Gay Lane for their support of this journal. Todd A. Watkins, Ph.D. Stephen Cutcliffe, Ph.D. Executive Director, Editor Martindale Center The Martindale Center thanks these individuals: Jihane Aayale Aghezal Abdelghani Mohamed Abrouq Abdelatif Afilal Mohamed Aiman Amrani Mohamed Ali Saidi Rika Alaoui Mouhssin Amaamaa Fadoua Amghouz Eric Asmar Sami Bahou Malik Bargach Marwa Benazizi Zyad Bendouro Oussama Benhamida Jalal Benhayoun Sanae Bennani Rim Berahab Sara Boudaoud Adnan Boulaich Marouane Bouzakhti Nawal Chatri Imane Chifae Laouad Driss Jamal Eddine Saoudi Brahim El Guabli Raja El Guergari Soukain Alaoui El Hassani Bouchta El Moumni Hind El Yamlahi Mosaab El Youssefi Mohamed Faitouti Hassan Ghazi Oumelghit Guelzem Nassim Hajouji Zenib Hamdaoui Imab K. Harb Mohamed Hitmi Hamza Hnach William Hunter Abedlkader Jamoussi Mohammed Jadidi Mohamed Amine Issami Omar Kadiri Lamiaa Khalis Mohamed Amine Khoukh Said Kobrite Mohammed Kouimen Khalid Lahsaini Khalid Lazrak Salma Maliki Adnan Mazarei Mohamed Bensaid Mehdi Maryam Montague Omar Moro Karim Moucharik Yassine Moufagued Ayoub Naass Jaber Omoussa Adnan Ouassini Michelle Outlaw Amine Ramli Khalil Rguibi Luc Savard Eduardo Sevil Hicham Sheehan Hind Talamsi Hamza Tanji Sean Yom Akram Zaoui Ghita Zaoui Mohamed Amine Zariat Afaf Zarkik The Martindale Center thanks alumni mentors who provided feedback on article drafts: Asgar Ali '23 Luis Arcentales '98 '00 Susan Armento Bahner '89 Kat Bahner '17 Irene Battaglia '04 Beth Beatty '84 Bridget Clancy '08 '09 Mark Degenhart '11 Alicia Drummey '85 Laura Duffany '23 Jessica Franolic '22 Rebecca Guzman '07 Lisa Heintzelman '16 Zakaria Hsain '17 Carolyn Shemwell Kaplan '02 '03 Cindy Learn '87 Hillary Ni '19 '20 Marie Theresa O’Connor '91 Karen O’Donnell '99 Lisa Phillips '90 Andrew Tye '13 Beth Vallen '00 Jeremy Walsh '08 '09 Cathy Withers '14 '15 The Martindale Center thanks these organizations: Abdelmalek Essaâdi University Consulate General of Morocco in New York Project Soar Temple University Williams College
v THE MARTINDALE CENTER FOR THE STUDY OF PRIVATE ENTERPRISE RECOGNIZES AND THANKS OUR MAJOR CONTRIBUTORS FOR THEIR GENEROUS SUPPORT J. Richard Aronson '87PG '15GP (deceased) and Judith L. Aronson '80G '87PG '15GP Thomas A. Berglund '82 and Rosemarie Fiorilli '83 Alan S. Brodherson '86 Robert M. Cahill '84 '23P '23P and Mary Beth Cahill '23P '23P Brian P. Cunningham '09 '10 and Danielle M. Spar '10 Fairchild-Martindale Foundation Faith R. Glazier '87 '19P and Robert A. Weisstuch '85 '19P Jay H. Golding '67 and Susan Golding Stephen F. Goldmann '66 and Bette G. Goldmann Donald M. Gruhn '49 and Judy Gruhn Leo Guthart Barry C. Harris '70 and Sandra Harris Peter F. Harter '90 David Heidecorn '78 '11P and Deborah S. Heidecorn '78 '11P Frederick H. Jamieson '74 and Jane P. Jamieson '75 Mark S. Kaufmann '53 (deceased) and Carole Kaufmann Edward R. Klein '67 '68G '01P and Rosalyn F. Klein '01P Michael D. Krauss '83 and Dara L. Krauss Jeffrey A. Laborsky '98 Melissa A. Laborsky '99 Douglas Lane '67 '90P and Gay Lane '90P Ira W. Lieberman '64 '94P and Phyllis Lieberman '94P Roger S. Penske '59 '82P and Kathryn Penske William G. Pertusi '83 '14P and Rina S. Pertusi '85 '14P Rodolfo Segovia '89P '91P and Silvia Segovia '89P '91P Bruce M. Serchuk '89 and Anita Soucy Kanika P. Sethi Sarat Sethi '92 Steven R. Shoemate '85 Sidney J. Silver '57 '59G '81P '93P '17GP '18GP and Margaret Silver '81P '93P '17GP '18GP James B. Swenson '59 '15GP '17GP and Roberta H. Swenson '15GP '17GP Maria E. Taber '93 and Mark D. Taber Jeffrey Tarnoff '69 '00P (deceased) and Diane W. Tarnoff '00P Ferdinand Thun '56 (deceased) and Elizabeth M. Thun Jeffrey S. Wantman '00 and Sara Wantman Todd A. Watkins '15P '18P and Nancy B. Watkins '15P '18P Kenneth R. Woodcock '65 and Dorothy Woodcock Allen M. Yurko '73 and Gayle Yurko
vi THE MARTINDALE CENTER FOR THE STUDY OF PRIVATE ENTERPRISE THANKS THE FOLLOWING DONORS FOR THEIR VALUED SUPPORT (FY2020–FY2024) Luis A. Arcentales '98 '00G Richard W. Barsness and Dorothea L. Barsness Devon J. Battaglia '01 '03 and Irene K. LaBarca Battaglia '04 Elizabeth H. Beatty '84 '16P Elizabeth R. Bell '74G and Raymond Bell '71G Hrvoje Benko '01 and Elizabeth L. Benko '01 Jason J. Benkoski '98 James R. Berger '76 '07P Sharon P. Bernstein '77 and Joseph C. Bernstein Whitney L. Bernstein '15 '16G Christopher J. Berzin '10 Kenneth D. Blanchette '10 Patrick W. Brophy '87 and Leslie Brophy Michael Brown and Patricia Brown Margaret C. Buell '88 '93G '17P '19P and Stephen G. Buell '70 '71G '77G '17P '19P Thomas F. Burke, Jr. '93 and Sharon Burke John M. Burton '15P and Karen M. Burton '15P Gordon Campbell and Janet Gordon Taylor C. Carroll '17 Laura G. Chan '17 Erin L. Collette '15 '16G Megan E. Colville '12 Christine M. Croft '95 and William K. Croft '95 Christopher L. Croteau '92 and Lena Croteau Christopher J. Cunningham '03 and Lori A. Shuler-Cunningham '03 '04G Billie M. Davis '02 '03G Ian M. Davis '18 Michelle M. Davis '86 and Scott Davis George S. Diamond '72G '77G and Roberta Diamond Nicole R. Dobson '96 Joleen R. Doverspike '99 '01G (deceased) and Joshua C. Doverspike '99 Alix E. Eggerding '04 and Matthew Eggerding Mohamed S. El-Aasser and Nora A. El-Aasser Andrea J. Englander '05 Joshua J. Feldman '93 and Wendy C. Goldstein-Feldman Andrew C. Fiala '92 and Ehren Weidenkeller Kenneth P. Fischl '71 '01P and Marsha Fischl '01P Eric S. Fishbein '01 '02G Justin L. Frankel '96 and Rachel Frankel Jenifer Gilio Diane Glass '11P '17P and John H. Hardenbergh '11P '17P Steven M. Glassman '04 '05G Ann Goldberg Benjamin O. Golden '94 Allan B. Goodman '60 and Mary Rita Goodman '90G Janet Gordon and Gordon Campbell Daniel A. Grande '11 and Jordan McKinley Milton H. Grannatt III '68 '69G '72G '75G and Patricia S. Grannatt '72G Nicholas J. Greybush '11 Shaan Gurnani '16 Katherine Hardenbergh '11 Brooke I. Heidecorn Keith Heidecorn '11 and Stephanie Braunthal Lisa E. Heintzelman '15 Marie E. Helmold '81 Mary J. Hill (deceased) John L. Hilley '03P and Rosemary M. Hilley '78G '03P Elizabeth Hittinger '71P '75P '78P '97GP '02GP (deceased) Logan A. Hodges '16 Robert M. Holcombe '58 '69G '95P and Elizabeth K. Holcombe '67G '95P Thomas J. Hyclak and Jean M. Hyclak '98G Christopher M. Jewell '03 Christine M. Joachim '96 Andrew J. John '06 '07G and Soo Hooi Oh '06 '07 Jonathan M. Kamenear '07 Larry M. Kantor Carolyn Kaplan '02 '03G and Rudyard D. Kaplan '02 Irving Kaplan Jonathan Klein and Ann Klein Ira W. Krauss '67 and Mary R. Krauss Margaret M. Krawiec and Steven Krawiec Judith F. Lappen '81G Andrew R. Lauden '93 and Trisha W. Lauden '93 Cynthia L. Learn '87 Caroline Kane Levy '19P and Stephen J. Levy '19P Grace H. Lin '19 Pam Lott '89 and Ron D. Ticho '85 '89G Nicholas A. Lynch '05 '07G Toni A. Marraccini '09 Beverly and Gayne Marriner Betsy M. Martindale '90 and Wight Martindale III '85 Veronica D. McKinny '18 Geraldine Merksamer '84P Deborah Miller and Gary A. Miller Linda Miller and Michael R. Miller Vincent G. Munley '74 '02P '04P '05P and Ann C. Munley '91G '02P '04P '05P Sarah W. Nelson '00 Alexander A. Niewiarowski '14 Nicholas Noel III '74 and Karen S. Noel Kelly K. Nordby '90
Marie T. O'Connor '91 Karen A. O'Donnell-VanderGoot '99 and Matt R. VanderGoot Raymond Ojserkis '91 Christina Pak '16 Marc C. Palmer '10 Erika R. Papaccioli '03 Marci S. Paraboschi and Steven Paraboschi Elaine J. Phillips Catherine Y. Preysner '16 Stacey L. Rantala '93 and Brian S. Birtell '93 Gretchen A. Rice '11G Karen J. Richard '93 and Andrew D. Richard Shauna G. Richman '83 Carol J. Richter and Martin L. Richter Catherine M. Ridings '18P '21P Dolores Rockman and Harold Rockman Donald O. Rockwell, Jr. '65G '68G and Elke H. Rockwell Daniel E. Rosenthal '92 '21P and Michelle H. Rosenthal '92 '21P Lissa Rotundo James C. Rule, Jr. '11 and Michelle Spicer Kristin E. Sargent '02 Kristel Schimmoller Stuart D. Schnabolk '09 and Elizabeth L. Schnabolk '08 Sandra J. Schonberger and Jack Schonberger Judy Schooling Sheila C. Schottland '05 and David Schottland Curtis S. Schuelein '81 Allison A. Shearman '07 Richard S. Slayton '90G Tyler A. Sloan '15 David A. Slomsky '95 Paul E. Smith '61 '62 '93P and Carol A. Smith '93P John Skinner '20P and Karen Skinner '20P J. James Spinner '73 and Karen Spinner Cara E. Stawicki '05 '06G and Kyle R. Stawicki '05 Olga M. Stewart '05 '06 J. Nicholas Strasser '01 and Rosanne Facchini Karen L. Stuckey '75 '10P and Henry W. Seduski, Jr. '10P Robin Superick Jasmine E. Surti '12G Connie D. Svoboda '99 Elly Swartz SueNee Tan '09 Tyler A. Tate '04 '05G William J. Tronoski '92 and Anastasia M. Tronoski '92 Andrew M. Tye '13 Beth E. Vallen '00 and Kenneth J. Vallen Jon P. Van Order '94 Jade B. Van Streepen '15 Susan G. Vengrove and Marc A. Vengrove M. Jeremy Walsh '08 Katherine L. Warren '02 and Michael S. Warren '02 Edmond A. Watters III '61 '66G '74G Ashley E. Weber '00 Richard N. Weisman '00P and Melody K. Weisman '81G '00P Cynthia E. Welton '94 and Griffith J. Welton '88 Nancy J. Werlin George P. White '06P and Karen White '06P Lorraine S. Wiedorn '84G '13P '17P and Paul G. Wiedorn '83 '85G '13P '17P Glenn C. Wightman '91G and Lauren Wightman Beth M. Wilson '18P Lindsay I. Wilson '18 Jamie L. Wine '92 and David M. Simonds Catherine E. Withers '14 '15G Eric C. Wolfe '92 and Jessica Wolfe Norman J. Wruble and Sandra Wruble Stephen V. Zanias '05 '07G vii LEHIGH UNIVERSITY AFFILIATIONS KEY: 'Yr: Undergraduate degree year 'G: Graduate degree year 'P: Child’s undergraduate degree year 'PG: Child’s graduate degree year 'GP: Grandchild’s degree year
EMERGENT MOROCCO Volume 42 2024 Introduction Oumaima Mhijir...........................................................................................................................................x The Morocco–Algeria dispute and Western Sahara Samuel R. Ginn ...........................................................................................................................................1 Morocco faces two critical challenges that have direct effects on its national security and economic development. Decades of diplomatic disputes and spates of violence between Morocco and Algeria, stemming from the colonial and postcolonial periods, are intertwined with an ongoing conflict regarding Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara. This article examines the historical roots of both challenges and the complexities of their interconnectedness and presents conflict resolution strategies. Agtech: The future of Moroccan agriculture Emily Michnowski.....................................................................................................................................10 Morocco’s agricultural sector is fundamental to the country’s well-being yet faces increasing stress from climate change. Digital technologies for agricultural applications, referred to as agtech, are a pathway to climate-resilient agriculture, allowing for greater precision in farming. The transition to agtech is particularly challenging on small farms. Wider implementation of agtech in Morocco will require targeted government investment and cooperative programming among groups of large and small farms. Overcoming the obstacles of Morocco’s collective land system Christopher J. Marina.................................................................................................................................18 Morocco is among a small number of countries with a land system in which a community, as opposed to individuals, holds rights over property. Established in 1919 during the colonial era of Morocco, communal land—which covers a third of the country—has since become a polarizing subject. This article examines the social, economic, and environmental problems associated with communal land ownership, explores the often inequitable expropriations of such lands, and suggests solutions to land system modernization. Implementing universal health coverage in Morocco Kate Brown.................................................................................................................................................24 Morocco has made significant improvements over the past decade in its health system. However, there is still a lot to be done before universal health coverage can be fully realized. The movement toward universal health coverage includes creating incentives that encourage doctors to practice in Morocco and increasing salaries to improve the patient–doctor ratio. This article explains the existing health-care system and what needs to be changed before implementing universal health coverage. Child marriage in Morocco Lauryn C. Holgado.....................................................................................................................................32 In Morocco, 16% of women are married underaged, well above the region’s average. In many cases, these unions result in both physical and mental trauma for the bride. Due to legal loopholes and cultural practices, many girls still fall victim to this generational custom. Morocco needs to remove contradictory laws and reject underage marriage on an international stage. Suggested efforts in concert with the government, international organizations, and regional initiatives are necessary to spark change. Resolving water scarcity in Morocco Kyra R. Boston...........................................................................................................................................38 Morocco has introduced several environmentally focused initiatives as the country approaches absolute water scarcity. Within these initiatives, a significant emphasis is placed on implementing desalination processes to increase water supply. However, policies fail to address the demand aspect of water scarcity, with increased supply leading to increased demand. This article discusses the current prospects within Morocco’s water scarcity infrastructure and proposes demand management strategies to expand the country’s portfolio of water scarcity solutions. viii
Financial inclusion in Morocco Ben Murphy-Schmehl................................................................................................................................46 In recent years, Morocco has experienced double-digit growth in account ownership at formal financial institutions. Despite this expansion, use of these services is low. This accessibility–usage gap can be attributed to a cash-reliant economy, low levels of financial literacy, and negative perceptions of formal financial institutions. Strategies to address this gap lie in leveraging the familiarity of informal financial systems to introduce financial products in line with the needs of the Moroccan unbanked population. Overharvesting medicinal and aromatic plants in rural Moroccan communities Tessa Dougan..............................................................................................................................................55 Morocco is a biodiverse nation providing a rich source of medicinal and aromatic plants that contribute to health care of and income for rural communities. Unfortunately, collection of the plants is currently done chiefly through unsustainable foraging practices. This article analyzes the impact of these practices on rural economies and offers solutions for better harvesting and business practices. Gender-based violence in Morocco Sarah A. Mixsell......................................................................................................................................... 63 Gender-based violence is pervasive in Morocco, particularly affecting women ages 15 to 74, and is perpetuated by Morocco’s legal framework and societal norms despite efforts from international human rights organizations and local NGOs. This article examines its prevalence, emphasizing domestic violence and intimate partner violence. It proposes comprehensive solutions, including legal reforms, survivor protection, and educational initiatives to empower future generations. Prioritizing respect, equality, and empowerment can lead to a Moroccan society free from gender-based violence. Preserving Indigenous culture in Morocco Layan Suleiman..........................................................................................................................................71 A majority of Moroccans today are genetically linked to the Indigenous Imazighen tribes of North Africa. Through centuries of intermixing and twentieth-century European colonization, Morocco moved toward a policy of Arabization. Today, state negligence and lack of investment in educational, health-care, and transportation infrastructure have left these primarily rural communities with little choice but to migrate to urban centers, effectively risking the loss of their language and culture over the course of time. Morocco’s road to clean power William Yaeger...........................................................................................................................................79 Morocco’s plan to decarbonize is centered on a transition to renewable power in which the kingdom has invested heavily over the past decade. Despite notable progress, it will need to substantially scale up its current investments to meet its ambitious climate targets. This article examines Morocco’s recent progress toward clean power and offers an analysis of the challenges and opportunities that lie ahead as the country seeks to complete its energy transition. Unlocking Morocco’s real estate potential through collective investment vehicles Alexander S. Damle...................................................................................................................................87 Morocco ranks in the top 10 of the most developed countries in Africa yet continues to struggle with issues of savings mobilization and general GDP growth. This article analyzes Morocco’s 2016 implementation of organismes de placement collectif immobilier (real estate collective investment organizations) and their role in the country’s economic growth. After discussing these organizations across a variety of dimensions, strategies are proposed to mitigate risks facing such instruments in the Moroccan landscape. ix
Introduction I am honored to introduce this edition of the Martindale journal, which focuses on Morocco—a country rich in history, culture, and diversity. As a social entrepreneur deeply invested in Morocco’s development and exposed to public, private, and civil society spheres, I am thrilled that the Martindale Student Associates have chosen to explore the multifaceted issues and opportunities facing our nation. Morocco, at the crossroads of Africa and Europe, is a nation of contrasts and resilience. Our landscapes range from the vast Sahara to the bustling medinas and modern cities, all of which are underpinned by a tapestry of ancient traditions and dynamic modernity. This unique blend creates an interesting backdrop for the economic, social, and political challenges and innovations that define our present and shape our future. The articles in this volume delve into a wide array of topics that are critical to Morocco’s progress and well-being. From agricultural technology and environmental sustainability to health-care reform and financial inclusion, these pieces offer insightful analyses and propose solutions to some of the most pressing issues we face. The research on gender-based violence, child marriage, and the preservation of Indigenous culture underscores the importance of human rights and social equity in our path forward. One of the standout features of Morocco’s development narrative is our commitment to renewable energy. As highlighted in this journal, Morocco’s strides toward decarbonization and clean power are not only ambitious but also essential for our sustainable future. Similarly, the discussions on water scarcity and real estate investment provide a comprehensive view of how we can harness our resources and assets for long-term prosperity. As the world continues to face the aftermath of the global pandemic, I am thrilled and proud to see young scholars from Lehigh University take an interest in Morocco. Their fresh perspectives and innovative ideas are invaluable as we strive to overcome current challenges and build a brighter future for all Moroccans. I extend my heartfelt gratitude to the Martindale Center for the Study of Private Enterprise, the faculty mentors, and especially the students for their hard work and commitment. I am confident that the insights and recommendations presented in this journal will contribute significantly to our national dialogue and inspire actionable change. I was honored to speak with the Lehigh University Martindale Student Associates when they were visiting Morocco. During their visit, I had the privilege of welcoming them to a unique and pioneering project, the Second Chance New Generation school. This project is dedicated to empowering underprivileged school dropout youth. It involves collaboration across various departments of the Moroccan administration, including the Ministry of Interior; Ministry of National Education; and Ministry of Solidarity, Social Integration and the Family. This agile and innovative project represents Morocco’s commitment to creating opportunities for all its citizens. In closing, I warmly invite all readers of this volume to, as the Martindale Student Associates did, visit Morocco and experience firsthand the beauty, warmth, and resilience of our people. May this volume be the beginning of a lasting relationship between Morocco and the Martindale community. Oumaima Mhijir Social Entrepreneur x doi:10.18275/pbe-v042-001
1 MARTINDALE CENTER FOR THE STUDY OF PRIVATE ENTERPRISE The Morocco–Algeria dispute and Western Sahara Samuel R. Ginn Morocco faces two critical challenges that have direct effects on its national security and economic development. Decades of diplomatic disputes and spates of violence between Morocco and Algeria, stemming from the colonial and postcolonial periods, are intertwined with an ongoing conflict regarding Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara. This article examines the historical roots of both challenges and the complexities of their interconnectedness and presents conflict resolution strategies. Introduction Despite sharing historical and colonial ties, Morocco and Algeria evolved separately, becoming two nations with distinct economic, governmental, and social structures. Such differences came about due to the nature of their decolonization processes, Cold War affiliations, and governmental compositions, all of which have led to animosity, civil strife, and violent clashes between the two nations (Heggoy & Zingg, 1976; Ouhemmou, 2023). Regional rivalry was renewed by American recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara in 2020. The resultant end of a nearly three-decade-long cease-fire between the two parties in that year has enhanced prospects for violence between Morocco and the Algerian-backed Polisario Front (International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2021). Threat of physical conflict and movement beyond the realm of diplomatic sparring became apparent through the deaths of three Algerian truck drivers in Western Sahara in November 2021 in a bombing the Algerian government has claimed was perpetrated by Morocco (Rachidi, 2022). The potential for further bloodshed places the lives of many Moroccans and Algerians in jeopardy, especially in border areas where disputes over land ownership and immigration have occurred. Such disputes have disenfranchised those living in border regions and are especially threatening for Algerians who make up approximately 7% of the immigrant population in Morocco (Ouhemmou, 2023). A lack of cooperation between the two countries has hampered responses to illegal immigration and heightened the potential for extremist spillover from Sahelian Africa, placing strain on government budgets. Much of that budgetary strain is related to military spending, which rose to 3.9% of the Moroccan GDP and 4.8% of the Algerian GDP in 2022, levels that effectively reflect an arms race between the two nations (Dworkin, 2022; Ouhemmou, 2023; World Bank, 2023a, 2023b). In terms of total expenditures, Morocco and Algeria accounted for approximately 74% of all military spending in the North African subregion in 2022 (Tian et al., 2023). Not surprisingly, the nations are purchasing armaments from their old Cold War allies to make up for the inadequacies present in their domestic defense industries, with Russia providing 65% to 75% of all arms sales to Algeria, a 129% increase from 2009 to 2018, and the United States reportedly fulfilling 91% of Moroccan arms purchases (Hekking, 2020; Hill, 2023; International Trade Administration, 2023). The worrying pace of escalation has its roots in the postcolonial and Cold War eras, creating a need to understand how to best ease the pressures of what these countries consider existential threats to their sovereignty. The development of domestic defense industries, strengthening of Algeria in the wake of the Ukraine War, and reliance on Cold War allies could lead to the detonation of a North African powder keg (Hill, 2023). Although the two nations are reliant on their Cold War patrons for arms, it is important to recognize self-determination, pride, fear, and sovereignty as key drivers of the ongoing tensions, with the disputes between Morocco and the Sahrawi people of Western Sahara the primary bone of contention from the Moroccan perspective. The Sahrawi people are a predominantly Arabic-speaking, mixed ethnic group of Arab, Berber, and Sahelian makeup. Now mostly sedentary, they are a formerly nomadic people who lay ancestral claim to present-day Western Sahara, Southern Morocco, Southwestern Algeria, and parts of Mauritania. Due to their nomadic nature and the establishment of independent North African states that overlapped with Sahrawi ancestral homelands, as well as European colonialism, the Sahrawi people were both unable doi:10.18275/pbe-v042-002
2 PERSPECTIVES ON BUSINESS AND ECONOMICS | VOL 42 | 2024 to establish a state and were forced to abandon their nomadic lifestyles in favor of sedentary styles of living by the 1930s. The fighting between Morocco and the Sahrawis over Western Sahara after the Spanish withdrawal in 1975 resulted in a major urbanization of the Sahrawis and drove many out of the region in favor of living abroad (Central Intelligence Agency, 2020). Sahrawis represent about 30% of the population in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara, with the remaining 70% Moroccan settlers. The other major population concentration of Sahrawis is the Algerian town of Tindouf, around which several refugee camps have been arranged to house the Sahrawis in what they consider to be exile (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, 2011; Skretteberg, 2008). Those Sahrawis who live in Moroccan Western Sahara are subject to human rights abuses and government surveillance and are prohibited from political activism that supports the Polisario Front, including flying or displaying flags of the Polisario Front or the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (Amnesty International, 2021). The end of colonialism and the vagaries of independence Prior to gaining independence, both Morocco and Algeria were colonial holdings, primarily of France; however, Morocco was divided into Spanish and French zones of influence, which were collaboratively ruled (Wyrtzen, 2022). Following the French-imposed exile of Moroccan King Mohammed V in 1953, anticolonial sentiment grew among Moroccans, who demanded the king be returned to the throne. Demonstrations were violently suppressed, but mounting international pressure forced the French to bring King Mohammed V out of exile and begin negotiations for the relinquishment of their Moroccan claims between November 1955 and March 1956 (Luxembourg Centre for Contemporary and Digital History, 2023). The Spanish followed the French lead and gave up their possessions in the north of Morocco in April 1956, retaining the coastal enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla and the Spanish Sahara in the south, now known as Western Sahara (Figure 1). Moroccans experienced violent repression throughout the colonial period, but the transition of power was relatively peaceful, a stark contrast to the decolonization of its neighbor Algeria. From 1954 to 1962, the French waged a brutal counterinsurgency operation against Algerian National Liberation Front guerillas, resulting in as many as 1,000,000 Algerian and 75,000 French and French ally casualties (Horne, 1978). The violent collapse of French rule, which fomented Algerian independence in 1962, drove Algeria away from the West at a critical point in the still-developing Cold War. The importance of Algeria as a global hub connecting Europe to the Arab world and sub-Saharan Africa gave the newly formed nation a chance to become an autonomous actor on the world stage by forging relationships with various countries and championing anti-imperialism and anticolonialism. During the war for independence, the Algerians received material and strategic support from several communist nations, but once they had won, the Soviets and the Chinese were the primary investors in Algeria (Katz, 2007). Self-determination and military competition Over the course of about one month in 1963, the Moroccans and Algerians made war on each other, marking the first clash of the young nations. The so-called Sand War resulted from Moroccan claims on Algerian territory. The Moroccans drove for Tindouf, but Moroccan King Hassan II prevented his troops from entering the town, fearing a major Algerian defeat would not only destroy any hopes of a positive relationship but also draw the attention of the United States and Russia. A cease-fire negotiation led by Haile Selassie of Ethiopia succeeded and officially ended hostilities in 1964. Between 1969 and 1970, the Moroccans and Algerians worked to define the borders in the sparsely inhabited desert regions, which the French left quite ambiguous during the colonial period and the Moroccans further muddied by denying attempts to properly demarcate the border (Saddiki, 2020). An agreement between King Hassan II and Algerian President Houari Boumédiène committed both nations to liberating the still-held Spanish Sahara, leading the Moroccans to mistakenly believe the Algerians supported Moroccan claims of sovereignty over Western Sahara. The town of Tindouf then became a springboard for Polisario Front separatist operations, but because it had remained within Algerian territory at the end of the Sand War, the Moroccans struggled to inhibit guerilla activity without violating Algerian sovereignty (Bidwell, 1998). The Polisario Front, first formed in 1973 to combat the Spanish occupation of Western Sahara, is the primary faction of the Sahrawi nationalist movement and is considered the legitimate political representative of the Sahrawi people by the United Nations (Hughes, 2001; UN, 1979). After the Spanish withdrawal in 1975 and the ensuing Madrid Accords, Western Sahara was divided between Morocco and
3 MARTINDALE CENTER FOR THE STUDY OF PRIVATE ENTERPRISE Mauritania, but the Sahrawi people, who had laid claim to the area, were not consulted during the process. Morocco, under King Hassan II, rallied around the seizure of Western Sahara and ignored international calls for a referendum and consultation with the Sahrawis, leading Algeria to evict 30,000 Moroccans living in Algeria (Hughes, 2001; UN, 1975). The Polisario Front, through its militant wing, the Sahrawi People’s Liberation Army, engaged Morocco and Mauritania militarily. They soundly defeated the disorganized and demoralized Mauritanian military by 1978, resulting in a peace agreement in 1979 (Hughes, 2001). Morocco and Algeria clashed directly over the issue in 1976 in the oasis town of Amgala in Western Sahara. The Algerians were reportedly using the town as a staging area for Western Saharan refugees, but the Moroccans claimed there were heavily armed Algerian regulars in the town, including surface-to-air missile systems intended to inhibit Moroccan air operations. As a result of a two-day Moroccan attack, the Algerians and Sahrawis were forced to withdraw. Algerian President Boumédiène argued that his country was, as a champion of the Non-Aligned Movement, primarily concerned with the self-determination of the Sahrawi people, who he said were suffering genocide at the hands of the Moroccans. Accordingly, the Algerians began supplying arms to the Polisario Front. Morocco had started to consolidate its land claims in Western Sahara, but the town of Amgala changed hands again, the result of a Polisario raid in which the Moroccans were soundly defeated. King Hassan II claimed that the Algerians had participated in the raid, or at least supported the Polisario troops with heavy weaponry, but the Algerians denied this claim (Hughes, 2001). On March 6, 1976, the Algerians recognized the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, leading Morocco to end diplomatic relations with Algeria (Rachidi, 2022). With both sides thoroughly divorced from the idea of cooperation, relations remained strained through the end of the Cold War, and Algeria continued to supply the Polisario Front with Figure 1 Western Sahara and the Moroccan border berm Source: Boukhars, 2012. Figure 1 Western Sahara and the Moroccan border berm Source: Boukhars, 2012.
4 PERSPECTIVES ON BUSINESS AND ECONOMICS | VOL 42 | 2024 arms and equipment to pursue their struggle, until a 1991 cease-fire was called (Hughes, 2001). Algeria closed the border with Morocco entirely in 1994 in the aftermath of a violent attack in Marrakech that the Moroccans blamed on the Algerians (Sadiki, 2020). The closed border arrangement, although porous, exists today and hinders relations and trade between the two countries, resulting in a 2% growth loss for the economies of both nations, equivalent to an annual loss of $16B, according to the International Monetary Fund (Elkins, 2020). After consolidating control over much of Western Sahara by the mid-1970s, Morocco constructed a series of six barrier walls with the help of international technical advisors and military engineers. Construction began in 1980 and ended in 1987 with the completion of earthen berms totaling 1700 miles in length, dotted with defensive fortifications and outposts, and protected by one of the longest continuous minefields in the world on the eastern side, as shown in Figure 1 (Landmine Action, 2012; Saddiki, 2020). While fighting with the Polisario Front continued until 1991, the Western Sahara berm solidified Moroccan control over 80% of the territory and ended what hopes the Polisario Front had of a military solution. Current state of affairs The current problem reveals itself as one of self-determination without a clear solution to the fighting. Without increased support from the Algerians, the Sahrawis have no hope of changing the existing arrangement in a military context and are only able to act in what they claim to be self-defense. UN-led negotiations have stalled, with the Moroccan vision for the development of Western Sahara and the possibility of autonomy causing disagreements about who is eligible to vote in referenda (Lederer, 2021). The UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO), which monitors the conflict and conducts mine-clearing operations, has identified five zones within Western Sahara. The first is what amounts to a 5-km-wide demilitarized zone east of the Moroccan berm. On either side of the demilitarized zone are 25-km-wide restricted zones, which are bordered by zones of limited restriction that make up the remainder of Western Sahara. The five zones are observed by 468 UN personnel based out of Laayoune, the largest town in Western Sahara on the Moroccan side of the berm, with a satellite office in Tindouf. The initial UN mandate was established in April 1991, for maintenance of the cease-fire, reduction of Moroccan troop concentrations, separation of Moroccan and Polisario troops, freeing of Western Saharan political prisoners, identification and registration of referendum voters, and facilitation of a free referendum (UN, 2023; UN Peacekeeping, 2023). The mandate has been renewed repeatedly since 2010 due to continued hostilities and the failures of referendum negotiations (Security Council Report, 2023). In November 2020, Morocco launched a military operation into Guerguerat at the southern edge of Western Sahara. The Moroccans claimed the Polisario Front was inhibiting free movement of Moroccan citizens and agricultural exports to Mauritania, the only land border by which Moroccans can leave the country without a visa. Guerguerat lies within the restricted UN zone, meaning the Polisario Front considered the movement of Moroccan troops into the area a cease-fire violation. The Moroccans see the town as vital to the regulation of sub-Saharan migration through Morocco and into Europe, which gives the Moroccans tacit backing of the Europeans for its actions. Critics stated that the UN was neglecting its duties in Western Sahara, and Algeria issued a statement condemning Moroccan violations and reaffirming its support for the Sahrawi people, while also advocating for a negotiated settlement (Morocco troops…, 2020). In July 2021, Moroccan permanent representative to the UN Omar Hilale made a statement that seemingly reversed the Moroccan stance on self-determination, while still denying Sahrawi claims. Hilale advocated for the right of an Algerian separatist movement in the Kabylia region to achieve self-determination and separate from Algeria. This is a sentiment that both highlights Moroccan hypocrisy and outraged the Algerians, who recalled their ambassador, ended diplomatic relations with Morocco, and closed Algerian airspace to Moroccan aircraft. Polisario Front fighters, appearing to become restless in the face of diplomatic failures, have launched sporadic attacks against Moroccan border outposts, indicating a willingness to step up the level of violence (Dworkin, 2022). The Western Sahara conflict seemingly remains intractable, with the Moroccans willing to maintain the status quo, confident they can safely develop the territory behind their border wall while suppressing Sahrawi activists through harassment, detentions and arrests, torture, and raids on activists (Amnesty International, 2021). Solutions must be focused on the possibility of Moroccan–Algerian cooperation, something that is difficult in the context of Western Sahara, as the Moroccans want the Algerians at the negotiating table because they believe the Polisario Front is a function of Algerian statecraft, while the Algerians want the Sahrawis to advocate for them-
5 MARTINDALE CENTER FOR THE STUDY OF PRIVATE ENTERPRISE selves as sovereign agents. Further complications entail broader Moroccan–Algerian border and trade issues, which are costing both nations a great deal of growth and security. Resolving the Western Sahara conflict, although separable, will necessarily entail resolution of what Moroccans perceive as a larger Algerian problem. The Moroccan–Algerian problem The current lack of cooperation between Algeria and Morocco is detrimental to the economies and peoples of both nations. Each country has resources the other needs: the Moroccan agricultural economy requires Algerian oil, and the Algerian petroleum economy needs Moroccan foodstuffs (Elkins, 2020). Despite the closed border arrangement, a burgeoning cross-border, black-market trade in food and oil has sprung up, demonstrating that the impetus for trade exists and could provide a common revenue stream for both nations. The illicit nature of this trade also opens opportunities for goods other than food and oil, commonly Moroccan marijuana and Algerian counterfeit cigarettes but increasingly narcotics, weapons, and people destined for Europe, to become highly sought-after commodities, further entrenching the trade as an illegal operation that is aided by the lack of cooperation between Morocco and Algeria (Boukhars, 2019; Global Organized Crime Index, 2023a, 2023b). Cross-border trafficking has become an accepted fact of life for two governments that otherwise would face an alternative prospect of civil unrest, terrorism, and religious extremism. Corruption also enriches local officials and revives depressed border towns, creating further incentives for Moroccan security forces to turn a blind eye to smugglers, as long as the traffickers refrain from engaging in the arms trade (Boukhars, 2019). Since the 2011 Arab Spring and the collapse of Muammar Gaddafi’s Libya into near-anarchy, Morocco took steps to enhance border security for fear of proliferation of arms, terrorism, and human trafficking along existing smuggling routes. However, these measures, while partially effective at reducing illicit trade, were taken unilaterally, causing land disputes and merely altering the methods, routes, and products being smuggled, pushing fuel smugglers to traffic in narcotics and humans. Cities in Eastern Algeria serve as stepping-off points for illegal sub-Saharan immigrants who typically cross into Algeria from Niger. The flow of illegal immigration into Morocco has increased since the “regularization” of more than 25,000 illegal immigrants by order of Moroccan King Mohammed VI in 2014 in an attempt to combat human trafficking and ease policies on asylum seekers (Boukhars, 2019; Saddiki, 2020; Schuettler, 2017). Morocco is a highly sought-after transit country because of already-established drug smuggling routes into Europe and the fact that Morocco shares the only African land border with a European country: Spain’s Ceuta and Melilla exclaves, both located along Morocco’s Mediterranean coast. Other products crossing from Algeria into Morocco include amphetamines, psychotropics, and counterfeit prescription drugs, the last of which are the leading cause of poisoning in Morocco, demonstrating a distinct health threat to the Moroccan public (Boukhars, 2019). Morocco and Algeria are taking their own steps to curb the illegal trade across their borders, but their security forces are not collaborating, resulting in limited success. Smugglers and traffickers, in turn, have been free to work within the blind spots created by the essentially nonexistent communication between Morocco and Algeria. Under the current system, goods traded between Morocco and Algeria must first travel to the port of Marseille, France. If Morocco and Algeria traded directly with each other, rather than giving in to their divisive regional rivalry, their economies would have doubled in size between 2005 and 2015, according to the World Bank. Instead, with a focus on building barriers and unilaterally securing borders during that period, the Moroccan economy has grown by only 37% (Mhidi, 2017). The slowed rate of growth is unable to tame high rates of unemployment among young people, especially in the border regions of Northeastern Morocco, where approximately 70% of the economy depends on the informal sector. Efforts made by the Moroccan government at securing the border with Algeria and the closure of smuggling routes put young people, whose only economic opportunities lie in the black market, out of jobs. Without opportunities provided to them in the formal sector by the government, young people and their families are often forced into poverty, resulting in protests and civil unrest (Boukhars, 2019). Until Morocco and Algeria set aside their disputes, people on both sides of the border will continue to suffer. Ever-increasing flows of people and illegal products, along with the spread of civil unrest and extremism, could be countered more easily if Morocco and Algeria collaborated with a comprehensive security strategy. Trafficking will continue, but a united front would help reduce security risks and promote economic growth for both countries. By bringing existing trading into the formal sector, young people will not need to engage
www.lehigh.eduRkJQdWJsaXNoZXIy MTA0OTQ5OA==